Summary of “America’s Defining Divide Isn’t Left vs. Right. It’s Old vs. Young.”

Older Americans are more likely to vote than millennials and Gen Xers, particularly.
Older voters have unique characteristics and specific interests that transcend the Democratic-Republican divide.
From their economic circumstances to their demographic makeup, the concerns of older voters are only going to become more prominent as the baby boom generation enters retirement.
Older voters have strikingly different wealth and income profiles than younger voters.
The widening gap between the economic realities of older and younger voters could become an even more prominent feature of American politics.
The largest gap between older and younger voters is on the issue of race.
From the existence of prejudice against whites to the necessity of affirmative action, older voters score higher on measures of racial resentment and are more likely to be persuaded by explicit appeals to whiteness.
“The baby boom generation is the most educated ever to reach old age. They lived through the civil rights movement and put more women into the workforce than any previous generation. If anyone can adjust to changing times, it’s them.”

The orginal article.

Summary of “Why I Hope to Die at 75”

So I am not talking about bargaining with God to live to 75 because I have a terminal illness.
I am talking about how long I want to live and the kind and amount of health care I will consent to after 75.
The claim is that with longer life, an ever smaller proportion of our lives will be spent in a state of decline.
It tells us exactly what we want to believe: that we will live longer lives and then abruptly die with hardly any aches, pains, or physical deterioration-the morbidity traditionally associated with growing old.
Although he didn’t die from the heart attack, no one would say he is living a vibrant life.
At age 75 we reach that unique, albeit somewhat arbitrarily chosen, moment when we have lived a rich and complete life, and have hopefully imparted the right memories to our children.
Certainly if there were to be a flu pandemic, a younger person who has yet to live a complete life ought to get the vaccine or any antiviral drugs.
Is making money, chasing the dream, all worth it? Indeed, most of us have found a way to live our lives comfortably without acknowledging, much less answering, these big questions on a regular basis.

The orginal article.

Summary of “The Religion of Workism Is Making Americans Miserable”

On the one hand, Americans’ high regard for hard work may be responsible for its special place in world history and its reputation as the global capital of start-up success.
One solution to this epidemic of disengagement would be to make work less awful.
Maybe the better prescription is to make work less central.
There is new enthusiasm for universal policies-like universal basic income, parental leave, subsidized child care, and a child allowance-which would make long working hours less necessary for all Americans.
These changes alone might not be enough to reduce Americans’ devotion to work for work’s sake, since it’s the rich who are most devoted.
On a deeper level, Americans have forgotten an old-fashioned goal of working: It’s about buying free time.
The vast majority of workers are happier when they spend more hours with family, friends, and partners, according to research conducted by Ashley Whillans, an assistant professor at Harvard Business School.
In one study, she concluded that the happiest young workers were those who said around the time of their college graduation that they preferred careers that gave them time away from the office to focus on their relationships and their hobbies.

The orginal article.

Summary of “Great Glass Coffin Scam: When Hucksters Sold the Fantasy of Death Without Decay”

Numerous glass-casket companies popped up around the country in the early 1900s, from the Modern Glass Company in Toledo, Ohio, to the Glass Casket Corporation in Altoona, Pennsylvania.
“We have a child’s glass casket as well as a salesman’s sample made by the American Glass Casket Company in the collection of the Museum of American Glass at Wheaton Arts ,” said Dianne Wood, curatorial assistant at the museum.
Both examples of glass caskets at the Museum of American Glass were gifted by Jean Wilson, who traveled across the country with her husband, Jim, collecting information on glass caskets.
Gay LeCleire Taylor, former curator at the museum, and Jane Shadel Spillman, former American glass curator at the Corning Museum of Glass in Corning, New York, published a pair of articles in the National American Glass Club’s 2002 “Glass Club Bulletin” based on these materials.
In an 1896 article from “New York Journal,” the Brooklyn-based Holmes recounts how a glass coffin placed underground, equipped with incandescent lights and connected to a metal pipe could allow the “Faces of the dead” to be “At all times visible [] though six feet may separate the friends on the surface from the occupants of the grave.”
Holmes wasn’t the first to link glass with burials-in fact, the associations between glass and death dates back hundreds of years.
“There is a long historiographic tradition describing the use of ‘hyalos’ to entomb people in the area of the upper Nile-modern Sudan-and the Roman author Strabo describes a ‘hyalos’ coffin used to bury Alexander the Great, who died in the late 4th century BCE,” explains Kate Larson, Corning Museum assistant curator for ancient and Islamic glass.
A Roman-period glass coffin, apparently made from window panes, has been excavated in France, and Roman glass storage jars were reused as urns for cremated remains.

The orginal article.

Summary of “The California Sunday Magazine”

Ashley had PE that day, so she had her dark hair pulled back and was wearing her gym uniform: track pants and a polo shirt embroidered with the words Niños Héroes, or heroic children, a group of historical figures that the school honors as a kind of mascot.
The girls enrolled in the local school, and Ashley soon found herself bullied again.
Ashley is one of 600,000 American-born children who are believed to be enrolled in K-12 schools across Mexico.
“It’s a huge problem for Mexico,” Patricia Gándara, a research professor at the UCLA Graduate School of Education, told me.
Like Ashley, American students in Mexico frequently end up in rural schools, the ones with the fewest resources to help them.
At the new school, both tried, at first, to hide their American backgrounds.
“The dream of most of them is to go back,” Eunice Vargas, a researcher who surveyed students at 86 schools in Baja California, told me.
“It’s like a boomerang! It will go back to the United States. It’s a generation that won’t have any school or work opportunities. I don’t know what will happen to them.”

The orginal article.

Summary of “Inside the UAE’s secret hacking team of U.S. mercenaries”

The Reuters investigation is the first to reveal the existence of Project Raven, providing a rare inside account of state hacking operations usually shrouded in secrecy and denials.
The Raven story also provides new insight into the role former American cyberspies play in foreign hacking operations.
The hacking of Americans was a tightly held secret even within Raven, with those operations led by Emiratis instead. Stroud’s account of the targeting of Americans was confirmed by four other former operatives and in emails reviewed by Reuters.
In the first, known internally as the “Purple briefing,” she said she was told Raven would pursue a purely defensive mission, protecting the government of the UAE from hackers and other threats.
Under orders from the UAE government, former operatives said, Raven would monitor social media and target people who security forces felt had insulted the government.
As the Americans built up Raven, the remote hacking of Donaghy offered the contractors a tantalizing win they could present to the client.
Raven utilized a powerful new hacking tool called Karma, which allowed operatives to break into the iPhones of users around the world.
Project Raven’s true purpose was kept secret from most executives at DarkMatter, former operatives said.

The orginal article.

Summary of “We Don’t Need Better Elites. We Need Less Powerful Ones.”

Deindustrialization wasn’t a product of blue-collar workers’ moral choices, but of corporations’ financial ones.
In a column titled “Remoralizing the Market,” David Brooks defends the primacy of culture – and thus, the uselessness of class politics – by universalizing conservatism’s critique of American moral rot: Whatever unsightly symptoms of late capitalism can’t be blamed on the cultural decline of the proletariat can be chalked up to the moral failings of the ruling class.
A deadly combination of right-wing free-market fundamentalism and left-wing moral relativism led to a withering away of moral norms and shared codes of decent conduct Anything you could legally do to make money was deemed O.K. A billion-dollar salary for a hedge fund manager? Perfectly acceptable.
As we disembedded individuals from traditional moral norms we disembedded companies from social ones.
Human beings are moral animals, and suddenly American moral animals found themselves in an amoral economic system, which felt increasingly alienating and gross.
We don’t need to embed capitalism within democratic, worker-controlled institutions, but merely within “Moral norms.” It is unclear how one is supposed to go about doing this.
The Gilded Age is not remembered as a time of “Left-wing moral relativism.” If anything, America’s moral culture was even less permissive in that era than it was during the postwar period of corporate responsibility that Brooks champions.
Changes in moral norms cannot explain the comparative benevolence of New Deal-era elites.

The orginal article.

Summary of “American Exceptionalism Is a Dangerous Myth”

American Exceptionalism Is a Dangerous Myth Donald Trump has done more to elevate the left’s critique of U.S. foreign policy than any politician in modern memory.
As a presidential candidate, the mogul told Republican primary audiences that George W. Bush had lied the United States into Iraq; that said war had done a “Tremendous disservice to humanity”; and that America could have saved countless lives by investing $5 trillion in domestic infrastructure instead. As commander-in-chief, Trump has suggested that there is no moral distinction between the U.S. and other great powers; that American foreign policy in the Middle East is largely dictated by the interests of arms manufacturers; and that the U.S. judges foreign regimes by their utility to American economic interests, not their commitment to human rights.
Now, Sullivan is no arrogant Chenyite; he acknowledges that the “Story” of American exceptionalism is “Incomplete.” There have always been “The mistakes, the complexities, the imperfections – things like covert regime change across Latin America, support for brutal dictators, the invasion of Iraq, and the tragedies of Somalia and Libya.”
American exceptionalism is rooted in the improbable notion that the the United States is uniquely unbeholden to the logic of power.
The exceptionalist narrative is most dangerous for the way it implies that assertions of American power on the world stage should be presumed well-intentioned, until proven otherwise.
Relatedly, the myth of American exceptionalism functions as rationale for the U.S. to subordinate international law to its own enlightened judgement.
Finally, the myth of American exceptionalism might do more to strengthen Trumpism than to undermine it.
American exceptionalism suggests that the entire world owes a debt to the United States.

The orginal article.

Summary of “What a Border-Wall GoFundMe Campaign Says About America”

Debilitating health-care costs manifest as an individual problem, but they’re generally the result of flawed systems far beyond the control of the people who receive those bills.
Many people’s savings are running dry in general: A 2017 Federal Reserve study found that 44 percent of American adults don’t have even $400 in cash on hand in case of an emergency.
People often think of the practical issues associated with medical problems as primarily affecting Americans who are older and, as a result, may be in worse health.
Medical debt disproportionately impacts Millennials, at least in part because young people get kicked off their parents’ insurance at age 26.
Young people are also more likely to be classified as independent contractors at work, and contractors rarely have access to employer-subsidized insurance.
Identifying who has money, who needs it, and how it can be redistributed to help the most people is also a primary project of socialism, a political ideology that has gained significant ground among young liberals in recent years.
Crowdfunding, in a way, serves as a person-to-person shortcut to live those ideals in a time when structural power opposes them: People with a little extra money can give it directly to those who need a little extra, without the services of an unreliable third party.
To circumvent congressional gridlock, supporters have turned to nongovernment funding alternatives, a choice that gives them potential access to a privilege previously accessible only to the very wealthy: treating large-scale government projects that will affect millions of people like personal hobbies.

The orginal article.

Summary of “What made The Weekly Standard great”

When it was announced on Friday that The Weekly Standard would print its last issue after nearly a quarter of a century, I was astonished.
It’s worth saying at the outset that I and millions of other Americans of all political tendencies disagreed with the editors of The Weekly Standard about the Iraq war.
The most obvious one is that the Standard was, for more than two decades, the best right-of-center periodical published in the United States.
The Standard was founded when The American Spectator, which had a long glorious run as a kind of conservative New York Review of Books in the ’80s, was flying Icarus-like into the horizon.
In the years to come I would go from thinking of the Standard as “The right-wing New Yorker” to calling the latter publication, as its pages became more saturated with politics and its cultural coverage declined, “The liberal Weekly Standard.” Unlike so many legacy print periodicals, the magazine expanded its online presence without dumbing down.
In domestic politics the Standard always stood for a more humane, less libertarian vision of conservatism.
It certainly cannot be blamed on the Standard’s three best writers, who, I believe to a man, had serious doubts about our recent adventures in Mesopotamia.
The Weekly Standard’s unexpected end is a sad thing for this country not because many of its editors and writers stood against President Trump but because at their best they stood for things that matter far more than the short-term fortunes of any politician.

The orginal article.