Summary of “Ramsey Orta filmed the killing of Eric Garner, so the police punished him”

FEARINGFORHISLIFERamsey Orta filmed the killing of Eric Garner.
The hardest part of her commitment to Orta is her fear of the phone ringing and someone on the other end telling her he is dead. Orta has reported constant abuse and harassment from correctional officers since he’s been locked up.
On August 2nd, 2014 – the day after the New York chief medical examiner officially ruled Eric Garner’s death a homicide – Ramsey Orta was running errands.
For a police department claiming not to be targeting Orta for his filming of Garner’s death, they sure brought it up a lot.
New York City Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association president Patrick J. Lynch released a statement saying: “The arrest of Ramsey Orta for criminal possession of a firearm only underscores the dangers that brought police officers to respond to a chronic crime condition in that community. Sadly, in the effort to keep neighborhoods like Tompkinsville safe, a tragedy occurred. But that doesn’t change the fact that police officers routinely risk their lives for the benefit of the community and that they have earned their support and understanding.”
Deja tells me she worries Orta will continue filming the police after his release.
Paranoia and fear form their own prison, one Orta is likely to live in for the rest of his life In April 2015, while Orta was in Rikers, a white North Charleston police officer, Michael Slager, shot and killed Walter Scott, an unarmed black man.
Having followed the Eric Garner case, Santana knew Orta had been incarcerated.

The orginal article.

Summary of “China’s Bizarre Program to Keep Activists in Check”

A number of other Beijing activists and civil-rights lawyers, including several whom Jianguo knows well, were treated to similar trips.
How serious is the threat of a disruption? After Jianguo and his comrades launched the Democracy Party, all its leaders were swiftly sent to prison, and, for the past ten years, Jianguo has been a solitary critic, with no party affiliation, no N.G.O. membership, no local or foreign patron.
Jianguo had planned to join us for dinner that evening but called the day before to cancel, because police were already stationed outside his building, in anticipation of the twenty-eighth anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre.
My cousins were concerned, but not greatly; maybe we had all grown a little blasé after witnessing Jianguo’s skillful dealings with the police for so many years.
I called various activists and lawyers, and made plans to meet at Jianguo’s apartment the following morning.
The truth is, I’ve wondered about the possibly corrupting influence of Jianguo’s tangled dealings with the police.
Once, Jianguo told me about an insight he had gained from years of prison life.
Others have made a different choice: there has been a growing exodus of dissidents and activists from China, including some of Jianguo’s old Democracy Party comrades, spurred in large part by constant harassment.

The orginal article.

Summary of “All the Crazy Things I Saw in Prison During Hurricane Harvey”

On August 26, 2017, at 3 AM, I awake to an officer screaming for everyone to get up and hurry to the second floor of our unit.
I hear only the sound of 100 panicking women mumbling and shuffling to the latest disaster befalling us: Hurricane Harvey.
“What’s going on, boss?” I ask an officer.
“I’ll look out for you in case another officer comes in.”
Rain continues to fall for the next two days, and the same officers remain, showering upstairs and sleeping in shifts on an empty pod.
When the rain finally stops, a lieutenant and a posse of officers enter our dorm screaming at us to pack up all of our property in bags or tie it in a sheet because we are leaving in a hurry.
A few hours later, an officer who’d been at home makes it to work and gives us the scoop that we’ve all been desperate to hear.
What if it does? What if the Harvey waters sweep me over the fence and out of prison? Will I be charged with escape for my accidental freedom?

The orginal article.

Summary of “A Summer Vacation in China’s Muslim Gulag – Foreign Policy”

Iman, from a middle-class Uighur family, came to study in the United States a few years ago.
In 2017, Iman flew back to China for the summer recess, planning to spend time with friends on the east coast before he returned to Xinjiang to see his mother.
Another officer approached Iman and told him he would be transported to a local jail.
The three Han officers from Iman’s hometown escorted the young man to a train bound for Xinjiang.
The three officers then guided him to a vehicle and departed for Iman’s hometown.
His symptoms slightly alleviated, and Iman began to engage in small talk with the officers.
Still in his underwear, Iman was assigned to a room with 19 other Uighur men.
“You are being released.” A neighborhood watch group, or jumin weiyuan hui, from his hometown arrived at the detention center to escort Iman to his house but not before they delivered him again to the local police chief.

The orginal article.

Summary of “A Big Test of Police Body Cameras Defies Expectations”

After the public uprising in response to the 2014 police shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., advocates and many police officials turned to cameras as a way to reduce violent encounters and build trust.
Until now, the most commonly cited study on police body cameras had suggested that cameras did indeed have a calming effect.
Over a year, shifts that included cameras experienced half as many use-of-force incidents as those shifts without cameras.
A federal district judge also cited the study in 2013 when she ordered the New York City Police Department to conduct a yearlong pilot program using body cameras.
The federal government has given police departments more than $40 million to invest in body cameras, and state and local authorities have spent many millions more.
Some companies are exploring ways to integrate facial recognition software into police cameras, a level of surveillance that would disproportionately affect low-income minority communities, where the police tend to spend the most time.
Another possibility is that officers without cameras were acting like officers with cameras, simply because they knew other officers had the devices.
An updated version of this article, with more about the national implications of the Washington, D.C., study of police body cameras, can be found here.

The orginal article.