Summary of “Ramsey Orta filmed the killing of Eric Garner, so the police punished him”

FEARINGFORHISLIFERamsey Orta filmed the killing of Eric Garner.
The hardest part of her commitment to Orta is her fear of the phone ringing and someone on the other end telling her he is dead. Orta has reported constant abuse and harassment from correctional officers since he’s been locked up.
On August 2nd, 2014 – the day after the New York chief medical examiner officially ruled Eric Garner’s death a homicide – Ramsey Orta was running errands.
For a police department claiming not to be targeting Orta for his filming of Garner’s death, they sure brought it up a lot.
New York City Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association president Patrick J. Lynch released a statement saying: “The arrest of Ramsey Orta for criminal possession of a firearm only underscores the dangers that brought police officers to respond to a chronic crime condition in that community. Sadly, in the effort to keep neighborhoods like Tompkinsville safe, a tragedy occurred. But that doesn’t change the fact that police officers routinely risk their lives for the benefit of the community and that they have earned their support and understanding.”
Deja tells me she worries Orta will continue filming the police after his release.
Paranoia and fear form their own prison, one Orta is likely to live in for the rest of his life In April 2015, while Orta was in Rikers, a white North Charleston police officer, Michael Slager, shot and killed Walter Scott, an unarmed black man.
Having followed the Eric Garner case, Santana knew Orta had been incarcerated.

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Summary of “How true-crime podcasts find clues the police miss”

Over the next 30 years, police searched fruitlessly for her.
Police had been conducting their own reinvestigation for the past three years.
It may be for just that reason that podcasts do manage to turn up evidence – or pull apart what were once believed to be cast-iron truths – missed by officials.
There was no suggestion Police Scotland had done anything wrong in its investigation into the murder of Alistair Wilson, the father-of-two shot dead on his doorstep in the sleepy seaside town of Nairn 13 years ago.
“I think everybody wants the crime to be solved, but after 13 years people had lost faith in the official process,” she explained.
This access to people who might otherwise not speak to officials connected with the case can give these podcasts an edge.
“We realised one of these cards was this name that we have been trying to find for a year – among all these mouse droppings.”
Neither Newport PD nor the BBC’s podcasts have helped solve the case – yet.

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Summary of “China’s Bizarre Program to Keep Activists in Check”

A number of other Beijing activists and civil-rights lawyers, including several whom Jianguo knows well, were treated to similar trips.
How serious is the threat of a disruption? After Jianguo and his comrades launched the Democracy Party, all its leaders were swiftly sent to prison, and, for the past ten years, Jianguo has been a solitary critic, with no party affiliation, no N.G.O. membership, no local or foreign patron.
Jianguo had planned to join us for dinner that evening but called the day before to cancel, because police were already stationed outside his building, in anticipation of the twenty-eighth anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre.
My cousins were concerned, but not greatly; maybe we had all grown a little blasé after witnessing Jianguo’s skillful dealings with the police for so many years.
I called various activists and lawyers, and made plans to meet at Jianguo’s apartment the following morning.
The truth is, I’ve wondered about the possibly corrupting influence of Jianguo’s tangled dealings with the police.
Once, Jianguo told me about an insight he had gained from years of prison life.
Others have made a different choice: there has been a growing exodus of dissidents and activists from China, including some of Jianguo’s old Democracy Party comrades, spurred in large part by constant harassment.

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Summary of “How Kareem Hunt’s NFL career was put on hold after a night on the town”

THE FEBRUARY NIGHT that ended Kareem Hunt’s career with the Kansas City Chiefs – and landed the NFL in yet another controversy involving an act of violence against a woman and captured by a security camera – might have culminated with Hunt kicking a woman in the hall of a luxury hotel, but it began as something much more benign.
Five running backs were selected ahead of him in the 2017 NFL draft, but it was Hunt who earned the Professional Football Writers’ Rookie of the Year award.
No charges were filed, and what happened in the hall outside Hunt’s luxury residence remained largely unknown until Nov. 30, when TMZ published a portion of the video showing Ottinger being knocked down in a hallway and then kicked by Hunt.
One source with knowledge of the inner workings of the NFL disciplinary process told Outside the Lines the Hunt incident is actually “a bigger mess up than Ray Rice” because of the infrastructure that was put in place after Rice, including the hiring of Lisa Friel, a former Manhattan prosecutor, as senior vice president and special counsel for investigations.
The league source said it is protocol for the NFL to take over such investigations and that its case on Hunt remained open.
According to Watkins’ account, Hunt said Ottinger and Hamilton couldn’t stay the night.
A friend of Hunt’s attempts to hold Hunt back, but Ottinger appears to reach past that man and strike Hunt.
The bodycam footage shows police taking pictures of Ottinger’s injuries in the lobby of the hotel, and she repeatedly identifies Hunt by name and physical description as the man who assaulted her.

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Summary of “”I Don’t Want to Shoot You, Brother””

“The Weirton Police Department terminated Mr. Mader’s employment because he chose not to use deadly force to shoot and kill an African-American man who was suicidal,” his lawsuit alleged.
“I didn’t want to shoot him,” Mader said.
In the year since his firing, Mader had made headway in navigating a new life in his hometown.
Mader’s lawyers sensed an opening, and, question by careful question, made the most of it.
As for what Mader might have done differently, Alexander said he, too, thought Mader might have tackled Williams, but then conceded that it would have been unwise to try tackling someone with a gun.
“Consistent with the Constitution and the Weirton use of force policy, Mader was only permitted to shoot Williams if he believed that Williams represented an immediate risk of harm, serious harm, to himself or others, correct?”.
If Mader didn’t believe that R.J. Williams posed an immediate threat of harm to himself or others, he would not have been permitted to shoot him under either the Constitution or Weirton’s use of force policy; is that correct?”.
“OK. So if Mader didn’t believe that R.J. Williams posed an immediate threat of harm to himself or others, he would not have been permitted to shoot him under either the Constitution or Weirton’s use of force policy; is that correct?”.

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Summary of “American tourist killed after encounter with isolated tribe on Indian Ocean island, police say”

NEW DELHI – A 27-year-old American tourist was killed by members of one of India’s most isolated hunter-and-gatherer tribes, according to police in the remote Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
The American man, John Allen Chau, paid five fishermen to take him to North Sentinel Island, said Deepak Yadav, a senior police official in the city of Port Blair.
The island is off-limits to visitors under Indian law.
An investigation is underway, and the fishermen involved have been arrested, as has a friend of Chau’s in Port Blair who helped organize the boat trip to the island, the police official said.
Chau, who was born in Alabama, had made four prior trips to the Andaman and Nicobar Islands starting in 2015 and arrived in Port Blair in mid-October on a tourist visa, according to police.
“We are aware of reports concerning a U.S. citizen in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands,” a spokesperson for the U.S. Consulate in the southern Indian city of Chennai said in a statement.
The Indian government adopted a policy of “Isolation with minimal intervention” toward the Sentinelese and several other tribes in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, which are located in the Bay of Bengal off the eastern coast of India.
In 2006, the Sentinelese allegedly killed two fishermen whose boat drifted onto the island after they fell asleep.

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Summary of “With No Laws To Guide It, Here’s How Orlando Is Using Amazon’s Facial Recognition Technology”

It’s one of three IRIS cameras in the Orlando area whose video feeds are processed by a system that could someday flag potential criminal matches – for now, all the “Persons of interest” are volunteers from the Orlando police – and among a growing number of facial recognition systems nationally.
The documents, obtained by BuzzFeed News via a Freedom of Information request, show that Amazon marketed its facial recognition tools to Orlando’s police department, providing tens of thousands of dollars of technology to the city at no cost, and shielding the Rekognition pilot with a mutual nondisclosure agreement that kept its details out of the public eye.
There were miscommunications, including an embarrassing misstep that required an apology from Amazon – to the public and to Orlando PD. To be clear, Orlando has not yet deployed a citywide facial recognition project.
Documents obtained by BuzzFeed News show the initial rollout of Orlando’s Amazon Rekognition pilot was marked by internal miscommunication that led to both the city of Orlando and Amazon Web Services – Amazon’s cloud computing arm that offers its facial recognition tools – presenting confusing and contradictory information about the pilot to the public.
After the contract between the City of Orlando and Amazon was finalized in December 2017, documents show that in mid-February a team from Amazon Web Services spent two days in Orlando connecting the city’s video feeds to AWS Rekognition for a “Proof of concept” project.
While the city began streaming its video feeds to Amazon Web Services back in February, it was only in May, when the ACLU reported that Amazon was pitching its facial recognition tool to law enforcement agencies, including Orlando’s, that the broad public became aware of the Orlando PD’s facial recognition pilot.
A July 6 memo addressed to Orlando Mayor Buddy Dyer and representatives of Orlando Districts 1 through 6, and written by representatives of the Orlando Police Department, stated: “The pilot aligns with the City’s mission to be financially responsible by leveraging existing resources and technology to improve operational efficiencies supporting OPD in keeping our residents, visitors, and officers safe.”
The pace at which the Orlando Police Department is moving on facial recognition technology while demonstrating a limited grasp of how it works is concerning, said Scott Maxwell, an Orlando resident and columnist at the Orlando Sentinel.

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Summary of “Establishing an AI code of ethics will be harder than people think”

The effort has already been criticized by civil rights activists who say it is inaccurate and racially discriminatory.
Lawyers, activists, and researchers emphasize the need for ethics and accountability in the design and implementation of AI systems.
“We are talking about creating a class of [] people who are branded with a kind of criminal tag,” Ifill said.
A recent study out of North Carolina State University also found that asking software engineers to read a code of ethics does nothing to change their behavior.
Philip Alston, an international legal scholar at NYU’s School of Law, proposes a solution to the ambiguous and unaccountable nature of ethics: reframing AI-driven consequences in terms of human rights.
“They’re in the bill of rights; they’ve been interpreted by courts,” he said.
If an AI system takes away people’s basic rights, then it should not be acceptable, he said.
Less than a week before the Symposium, the Data & Society Research Institute published a proposal for using international human rights to govern AI. The report includes recommendations for tech companies to engage with civil rights groups and researchers, and to conduct human rights impact assessments on the life cycles of their AI systems.

The orginal article.

Summary of “Orlando Paramedics Didn’t Go In to Save Victims of the”

With the shooter barricaded in a bathroom and victims piled on top of one another, Orlando police commanders began asking the Fire Department for help getting dozens of shooting victims out of the club and to the hospital.
A few minutes later, the Orlando Police Department’s dispatch log shows the police formally requested the Fire Department to come into the club.
Like many fire departments at the time, Orlando had long relied on a traditional protocol for mass shootings, in which paramedics stayed at a distance until an all-clear was given.
A few minutes later, the Orlando Police Department’s dispatch logs show the police asked for the Fire Department “To go in scene secure,” meaning dispatchers were asking the Fire Department to come into the club.
Around the same time, the Orange County Fire Rescue Department, which had trained with the Sheriff’s Office beginning in 2013, brought 12 ballistic vests to Orlando Fire Department commanders on the scene.
Davis, the Orlando Fire Department district chief in charge of his agency’s response that night, said he told Orange County commanders that city firefighters and paramedics hadn’t been trained on how to use the vests – and wouldn’t use them.
The Orlando Police Department took the lead, but it was joined by two sheriff’s offices, as well as the Florida Department of Law Enforcement and the FBI. The Orlando Fire Department leadership wasn’t part of it.
With the shooter barricaded in a back bathroom, paramedics and EMTs would have put on ballistic vests and gone inside the club to pull victims out with a police escort.

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Summary of “What happens to police departments that collect more fines? They solve fewer crimes.”

In 2015, as a follow-up to investigations of police bias in Ferguson, Mo., the Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department released the Ferguson report, which painstakingly documents how the police department in that city relied overwhelmingly on fees and fines collected from people in ways that “Both reflect and exacerbate existing racial bias.”
Here’s another result of fee and fine enforcement that has never before been measured: Police departments that collect more in fees and fines are less effective at solving crimes.
Police departments in cities that collect a greater share of their revenue from fees, fines and civilly forfeited assets have significantly lower rates of solving violent and property crimes.
If Middletown’s police department collected only about 1 percent of its revenue from fees and fines, our model predicts it would solve 53 percent of its violent crimes and 32 percent of its property crimes.
If Middletown’s police department instead collected 3 percent of its revenue from fees and fines, our model predicts that clearance rates would fall to 41 percent for violent crimes and 16 percent for property crimes.
In cities where police are collecting revenue, communities are at once overpoliced – because they are charged with more fines and fees – and underpoliced – because serious crimes in their areas are less likely to be solved.
Communities lose trust in the police, making it less likely that they’ll help the police solve crimes, which, in turn, increases the number of unsolved crimes.
Almost 40 years ago, James Q. Wilson’s “Varieties of Police Behavior” described different “Styles” of policing that departments develop.

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